Book Review: Beyond the Culture of Contest
As a telecommuting programmer and father of a two year old, I am not the most social of creatures. But I do have several family members who would likely describe themselves as social activists of one stripe or another. I recall one particular conversation on a late night a few years ago with a cousin of mine where I asked whether protest had ever achieved any real change. I am very sorry to say that I do not remember her answer, but by that time I had been exposed to ideas that suggested that there were more constructive ways of effecting change.
In that light, a few months ago I finished reading Beyond the Culture of Contest, by Michael Karlberg. I thought I’d write about it, as I feel it should be on the reading list of anyone interested in sociology or social change.
Power
After a lengthy discussion on what he means by the word “culture” in his title, Karlberg starts his thesis on a discussion on the dual nature of the word “power.” In common, everyday language, we use the word power to mean two very different things, depending on whether we are using it in an adversarial or cooperative context. In adversarial contexts, power denotes coercion, or between equals, a stalemate or at best a compromise. In cooperative contexts, power indicates constructive capacity – the power to accomplish a mutual goal.
Karlberg takes these two notions of power (which he shorthands as “power over” and “power to”) and takes them into the rest of his book to show how the currently dominant cultural institutions reinforce the “power over” mindset. He cites three broad areas of society where the culture of contest is assumed the natural state of things: in politics, the economy, and in legal disputes.
The Hegemony of Contest
For most people in the West, the idea that politics, the economy and legal disputes are competitions needs no explanation. From birth we are surrounded, unawares, by the language and practices of adversarialism. Karlberg demonstrates further how this “normalization” of competition is reinforced by commercial mass media (the “spectacle of conflict”), academia (grades as score-keeping, scholarly debate), and social protest (litigation, factionalization).
He points out that even in where we expect argumentation to produce useful results, as in scholarly discourse, that there are perfectly good ideas and suggestions that go unproposed simply because those who might bring them to the table are not comfortable with the character of the discussion. Rigor is still desired of course, but there are certainly ways to think critically about ideas without the adversarialism. And rather than dismiss these people as wimps, it is more useful to focus on the fact that we as a group are not benefiting from their potential contributions.
Karlberg does admit that there are times when the exigencies of a situation merit conflict in order to prevent disasters large or small. Yet he points out that such times are rare, and the need for adversarialism should not be seen as desirable; such actions can’t address much beyond the immediate crisis, and the residues of conflict can be corrosive to achieving longer-term goals.
Mutualism
But the book really starts to get interesting when Karlberg starts introducing us to living, working examples of the principles he is promoting in the book. It’s a glimmer of a way of interacting with each other as we might choose, rather than settle for what we’ve been told is the normal, natural and inescapable culture of self-interest and score-keeping.
The mutualistic practices he introduces us to come from a variety of sources: from cultural movements such as Feminism and Environmentalism, to general techniques such as Alternative Dispute Resolution. And he takes us on a comprehensive tour of the social implications of widespread mutialism as expressed in the Baha’i Faith.
The revelation of these practices as existent and successful was both stunning and inspiring for me. I’m conflict-averse at the best of times, but I had generally taken for granted that we lived in a rough and tumble world, even if I trusted that individuals are intrinsically good. That it is possible to choose another way, and a way that is still potent for solving problems and effecting change, gives me hope that I am not irreparably maladapted for making my way through life.
That’s not to say that mutualistic constructs are easy. Yet often the challenge lies in our development as individuals rather than struggle against external forces. Take, for example, the Baha’i practice of Consultation (collective decision making). It reads like a lifelong task in patience, selflessness, open-mindedness and trust. In brief:
- It seeks to build consensus in a manner that unifies constituencies rather than divides them
- It views diversity as an asset for decision-making; opinion and knowledge are widely solicited
- Upon sharing an idea, an individual has ceded it to the group; neither the flaws nor the merits of the idea reflect on the individual, and the individual must detach themselves from the ideas they offer.
- As an ongoing goal, participants try to moderate the tone and character of the discussion, in order to respectfully seek the best solution, not as a method to superficially paper over conflict.
- If a consensus cannot be found, a majority vote will be accepted; it is then expected that every individual will attempt to enact the decision in a unified manner, regardless of their vote. In this way the implementation of the decision may be evaluated solely on its own merits, without doubt as to whether individuals are passively or actively sabotaging it.
- By extension, ideas can be readily reconsidered if in their implementation they are revealed to be the wrong one.
I find it important that the challenges presented by such a model can develop qualities in each of us that a great many people consider unalloyed virtues. Compare them with a few of the adjectives we often hear associated with being effective in the province of competition: aggressive, cut-throat, ruthless, and dominating; qualities that are more likely to win you sycophants and enemies than friends.
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Karlberg is careful to rigorously define the vocabulary with which he describes the subject of cultural interactions, and includes generous endnotes and a lengthy bibliography. In his quest for accuracy, though, Karlberg hews to a style that is dense, precise, and methodical. It is not light reading. I found I absorbed his ideas best piecemeal, leaving myself time to ponder their implications a few pages at a time.
Ultimately his thesis does not discard the notion of competition wholesale. A quick etymology search on the word uncovers the latin origin -– “Strive together.” Competition can be useful when its venue is limited, and done in the proper spirit. What Karlberg proposes is that adversarialism is not our natural social state, but rather only seems so because our current cultural institutions have accreted over time to reinforce conflict rather than mutualism. We have lost much of the togetherness, and are left with only the striving. He asks us for a certain mindfulness, so that we might maintain an awareness of when we find ourselves slipping into the memes of conflict, and what we might do to bring us closer to a world of mutualism.
Personally, I am starting to wonder if our habits of adversarialism developed at a time when the world was far less crowded. It was both possible and easier to separate yourself, spatially or socially, from those you did not agree with rather than work to live with each other in harmony. Now, there is no “going away” – you just wind up in someone else’s back yard. What would the world be like if we all started treating everyone we met as someone we would have to live with for the rest of our life?
I do not think, given the entrenchment of our current cultural institutions, that we can expect a shift to begin with any sort of top-down change. Indeed, such mandates may be fundamentally antithetical to mutualism, which governs by consensus rather than by edict. This is grass-roots stuff. It requires individuals to take it to heart – bring it into their families, their peer groups at work and in their community. Living in this way is a learning process, and you can’t learn by proclamation, only by practice.


This sounds like Alfie Kohn's stuff: http://www.alfiekohn.org/articles.htm
and I'm afraid I don't agree with it AT ALL.
There are two kinds of competitions or contests. One is when someone tries to rob you on the streetcorner with a knife, you pull out your own self-defense weapons and a contest ensues... a negative-sum) contest for the same property: negative-sum because the total amount of property will stay the same but at least one of you will get hurt or dead, so the total outcome is less than the total input.
A different kind of contest is in say partner relationships: competing in cooperation. A and B are both courting the same woman. First let's make some assumptions, which are not necessarily true but useful as a working hypothesis:
1) The freely chosen result is the best result 2) Therefore the best outcome is that contains the most free choices.
So we have these three people, A, B, and the woman. A and B both chose that woman freely. The best result is therefore if the woman chooses one of them freely. If they beat up each other then it's not her choice, it's theirs. If A gets generous and says to B OK I withdraw, you get the woman, it's nice of him but still it's not the woman's choice, it's his. The only way to guarante the most free choices (in this case: two) if the woman chooses. Therefore they must compete. But this is a competition in cooperation. Both tries to cooperate with the woman and she chooses the that does better.
This I don't see as a bad thing.
Of course it's not sure that the result with the most free choices is the best result. It's a bit too individualistic and besides people often choose foolishly. But can you recommend any other general rule that would work better? I doubt so.
I think despite all the shortcomings, maximizing the number of free choices is what makes a desirable outcome - a good, long relationship - the most likely.
If A or B withdraws from the contest, the problem is that she has no way of knowing that perhaps he would have been the better parner. If they compete in cooperation, she has a chance to judge both of them.
This is not a negative-sum competition and not even a zero-sum one: it takes three unhappy singles as an input and produces a happy couple and an unhappy single as an output, it's clearly positive-sum. Even if she decides none of the boys are good enough, it's zero-sum. But not negative-sum like that one with the street robber.
Same stuff for school grades. Say I have a job to offer for a very good physics grad student. This is cooperation: I want a physicist and he wants the job. Therefore they must compete to determine who's the best one or who is, at least, amongst the better ones and this is largely what school grades are for.
Same stuff for business competition: they compete in providing better customer service i.e. in cooperating with the customer.
Most civilized forms of competitions are competition in cooperation and therefore not a bad thing, I think.
Hi Shenpen, thanks for responding. I looked at the Alfie Kohn site and it does look similar to what he advocates, at least in his views on competition (I only sampled a couple of essays in the by-subject index. If you there is some bigger picture piece I ought to read, please do suggest it).
I have two reservations about your comments. First, I think competition in the context of cooperation is exactly the sort of exception that Karlberg is OK with, but I feel the scenarios you pick sidestep the issues he is writing about. In each of your examples you have the competitors cooperating with a third party. Karlberg is concerned, as am I, with the nature of the relationship between the competitors.
For example, when I spoke of competition over grades, I was not referring to the job-seeking process; I was referring to the environment it creates among the learners at school. Similarly, although I like your idea of business cooperating with the customer to deliver what the customer is after (and I wish more businesses actually did this intentionally), I am concerned with the character of the inter- and intra-business relationships that are formed in the context of competition.
The second reservation I have is the metric you have used in determining optimal resolution of a conflict. Or rather, that you have only presented a hypothesis based on one metric. I think the ideal of free choice is important, but it certainly cannot be the only criteria for scoring the value of social scenarios. Consider maximizing the number of happy people as another. Ultimately I think it important to identify the multitude of criteria you believe hold value, and then decide how to negotiate the balance between them as you make decisions in your life.
I don't want to get too deeply into your example with suitors A and B because I am not sure it is representative of the larger social trends Karlberg discusses in the book: the legal system, political discourse, and economics. It is probably closest to economics, which is actually the category that Karlberg has the least issues with, except that the market continually fails to live up to the ideals of its founding philosophers, and that it has unwelcome influence on the legal and political systems.